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PUBLIC
SPACE MY A$$
During the ”Barbie Month” in 1997, Mattel had an entire
street painted bubblegum-pink in Salford, UK. In a similar way the
popular Queen Street in Toronto was painted silver for a period
of a whole year to market Levi’s Silver Tab-jeans. Pepsi had
an idea to project their logo onto the moon and at a school in Georgia
a student was suspended because he was wearing a Pepsi t-shirt on
Coke Day.
Private capital shapes our daily life and environment. We have got
used to an ever-changing flow of imagery, and sometimes also appreciate
it as part of a seductive urban landscape. But to have your favourite
city street painted silver because a company bought the right to
do it, then one starts to feel like a puppet in someone else’s
game. How can public space be bought?
The overwhelming amount of commercials (on the streets, on radio
and television, to your cell phone, mailbox and post-box etc.) is
becoming a nuisance. We now start to pay for the privilege to avoid
commercials. An example of this is the specially designed Disney
town Celebration, a gated community in Florida built in the spirit
of neighbourliness, i.e. as one generally imagines an all-American
wealthy suburbia in the 1950s. This is a place that treasures the
old times, when there were still small shops, bakeries and eateries
in every corner and Wal-Mart wasn’t even invented. Public
space is here a completely privatized place, which is sold to people
who want to experience a sense of community where ”residents
gather at front porches, park benches, recreational areas, and downtown
events celebrating a place they call home” (cited from celebrationfl.com).
No conflicts, no insecurity, no class differences and no diversity
in terms of values. Public space is interpreted as a place for consumption
and leisure.
In the media-savvy society, traditional marketing trumpeting out
its buy me-message is loosing in street credibility and impact.
Instead guerrilla advertising and buzz marketing has become increasingly
common. The purpose is no longer only to sell us goods, but to communicate
values through experiences and finding new, shocking ways to grab
our attention. As for example painting a street Barbie-pink. The
Barbie-event in Salford immediately made the national news. The
mayor who attended the celebration of Barbie’s 40th birthday
was happy with all the attention and Mattel donated 8000 pounds
to local charity. Sony also got the talk going with the commercial
where 250 000 super balls are bouncing down the streets of San Francisco.
You gain street cred when the so-called opinion formers in various
age groups start to spread the message by word-of-mouth. To create
an experience you have to touch the real, or rather: touch up the
real.
SPEAK BACK (PINK ISN’T
JUST FOR BARBIE)
The logic behind the strategy to communicate through creating experiences
is the same as when states and interest groups erect monuments in
public spaces. The aim is to initiate or define incidents that will
become the formative events of a nation’s (or corporation’s)
identity. It is about impact and presence, either in the sense of
being monumental, as architecture and billboards, or simply everywhere
as bank notes and logos.
Though political elites and corporations have far greater power
than the public to shape the physical and symbolic representation
of public space, there are still ways to take collective action
and speak back. To reactivate places which have been taken hostage
either by state, corporate or private interests. For example a group
of Czech artists altered a memorial, a Soviet tank, by painting
it bright pink over and over again. Eventually the Soviets were
forced to remove it out of embarrassment.
To re-contextualize or displace are other ways to engage in a dialogue
with the seemingly static representations around us. If we refuse
to take them for granted as ”normal”, they will reveal
themselves as being saturated with politics – which means
they are possible to change.
POWER/POSITION
After the political changes in Hungary 1989-90, the problem of what
to do with all the statues dating from the previous political system
was solved by creating a park, The Statue Park Museum. All the statues
that once stood in public places in Budapest were gathered together
here. The aim was not to create a mockery-park. To move the statues
from public spaces to a space framed as a museum is to move them
into history and also to transform their function. The Hungarian
architect Ákos Eleöd writes on szoborpark.hu: ”This
park is a very delicate matter. I've been trying my utmost to treat
this terribly serious theme with the proper amount of seriousness.
But what is Truth? Of course, I can't answer that. But there's plenty
of time to think about it.”
He continues: ”I had to realise that if I constructed this
park with more tendentious, extreme or realistic methods - as a
number of people were expecting - I would ultimately be doing nothing
more than constructing my own Anti-propaganda park from these propagandist
statues, and following the same thought patterns and prescriptions
of dictatorship that erected these statues in the first place."
THE ECONOMY OF GIFTS
Using gifts as blackmail. The Russian artist Zurab Tsereteli has
developed a curious business strategy. He offers his sculptures
as gifts from the Russian people to cities all around the world,
specializing in huge monuments to commemorate victims or historical
figures. He has for example offered New York City a monument to
the victims of the 9/11 attacks and is further planning a monument
to the victims of the hostage crisis in Beslan and to those hit
by the tsunami in South East Asia.
A gift is difficult to refuse because it is a gesture of sympathy,
the object itself being a mere sign. Thus most of us have received
gifts we don’t necessarily want to put on display. But Tsereteli
is persistent.
Mayors seem to play a crucial part in this economy of gifts. The
monument "To the Struggle Against World Terrorism” was
first offered to New York after 9/11, but was rejected. Instead
Tsereteli turned to the mayor of New Jersey who happily agreed to
erect the monument on a pier directly across the Hudson River from
where the Twin Towers once stood. The mayor hoped to unveil the
30 metre bronze sculpture on the third anniversary of the attacks,
but his sudden death coupled with a public outcry over the memorial's
design forced the City Council to eventually turn down the offer.
The mayor of nearby Bayonne agreed to install the monument. He personally
recommended the artist to the City Council after receiving a phone
call from a close associate of Senator Hillary Clinton. The monument
has been shipped from Russia and will be installed in time to commemorate
9/11 in 2006. A stone engraving will declare that the memorial is
a gift from Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Russian people.
FIGHT EVIL THROUGH ART
Tsereteli says he wants to fight evil through art and make life
more safe and beautiful. But the effect of his art might very well
be the opposite. The municipality of Cataño in Puerto Rico
who’s mayor accepted the many times rejected monument to Columbus
named "Birth of A New World", has spent millions of dollars
to ship the "gift" from Russia. It has caused protests
among citizens considering that the so-called ”Birth of the
New World” involved the oppression and murder of indigenous
people. The colonial tradition seemed to continue since the project
triggered a nasty expropriation fight with residents who are in
the way of the monument and don’t want to move.
ENOUGH IS ENOUGH
The mayor of Moscow, Yuri Luzhkov, has made it possible for Tsereteli
to erect statues all over the Russian capital. But when Tsereteli
decided to erect a monument in Moscow to the poet Joseph Brodsky,
Muscovites finally got fed up and started an Internet campaign.
The website www.helptobrodsky.ru collected signatures for an appeal
to the authorities and the sculptor himself to stop spoiling the
capital's image. "We're really, really fed up with your bronze
monsters" their petition read, adding that public support is
needed because no one seems able to stop Tsereteli.
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